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Introduction to "Building Communities
from the Inside Out:
A Path Toward Finding and Mobilizing a Community's Assets,"
by John P. Kretzmann and John L. McKnight.
"Reprinted with permission of John P. Kretzmann and John L. McKnight, pp.
1-11, from Building Communities from the Inside Out: A Path Toward Finding
and Mobilizing a Community's Assets, Evanston, IL: Institute for Policy
Research (1993).
Introduction
This is a guide about rebuilding troubled communities. It is meant to be
simple, basic and usable. Whatever wisdom it contains flows directly out
of the experience of courageous and creative neighborhood leaders from
across the country.
Most of this guide is devoted to spreading community-building success
stories. These stories are organized into a step-by-step introduction to a
coherent strategy that we have learned about from neighborhood leaders. We
call this strategy "asset-based community development." Before beginning
to outline the basic elements of this approach, it will be helpful to
remember how so many of our communities came to be so devastated, and why
traditional strategies for improvement have so often failed.
The Problem: Devastated Communities
No one can doubt that most American cities these days are deeply troubled
places. At the root of the problems are the massive economic shifts that
have marked the last two decades. Hundreds of thousands of industrial jobs
have either disappeared or moved away from the central city and its
neighborhoods. And while many downtown areas have experienced a
"renaissance," the jobs created there are different from those that once
sustained neighborhoods. Either these new jobs are highly
professionalized, and require elaborate education and credentials for
entry, or they are routine, low-paying service jobs without much of a
future. In effect, these shifts in the economy, and particularly the
disappearance of decent employment possibilities from low-income
neighborhoods, have removed the bottom rung from the fabled American
"ladder of opportunity." For many people in older city neighborhoods, new
approaches to rebuilding their lives and communities, new openings toward
opportunity, are a vital necessity.
Two Solutions, Two Paths
In response to this desperate situation, well-intended people are seeking
solutions by taking one of two divergent paths. The first, which begins by
focusing on a community's needs, deficiencies and problems, is still by
far the most traveled, and commands the vast majority of our financial and
human resources. By comparison with the second path, which insists on
beginning with a clear commitment to discovering a community's capacities
and assets, and which is the direction this guide recommends, the first
and more traditional path is more like an eight-lane superhighway.
The Traditional Path--A Needs-Driven Dead End
For most Americans, the names "South Bronx," or "South Central Los
Angeles," or even "Public Housing" call forth a rush of images. It is not
surprising that these images are overwhelmingly negative. They are images
of crime and violence, of joblessness and welfare dependency, of gangs and
drugs and homelessness, of vacant and abandoned land and buildings. They
are images of needy and problematic and deficient neighborhoods populated
by needy and problematic and deficient people.
These negative images, which can be conceived as a kind of mental "map" of
the neighborhood (see page 3) often convey part of the truth about the
actual conditions of a troubled community. But they are not regarded as
part of the truth; they are regarded as the whole truth.
Once accepted as the whole truth about troubled neighborhoods, this
"needs" map determines how problems are to be addressed, through
deficiency-oriented policies and programs. Public, private and nonprofit
human service systems, often supported by university research and
foundation funding, translate the programs into local activities that
teach people the nature and extent of their problems, and the value of
services as the answer to their problems. As a result, many lower income
urban neighborhoods are now environments of service where behaviors are
affected because residents come to believe that their well-being depends
upon being a client. They begin to see themselves as people with special
needs that can only be met by outsiders. They become consumers of
services, with no incentive to be producers. Consumers of services focus
vast amounts of creativity and intelligence on the survival-motivated
challenge of outwitting the "system," or on finding ways--in the informal
or even illegal economy--to bypass the system entirely.
There is nothing natural or inevitable about the process that leads to the
creation of client neighborhoods. In fact, it is important to note how
little power local neighborhood residents have to affect the pervasive
nature of the deficiency model, mainly because a number of society's most
influential institutions have themselves developed a stake in maintaining
that focus. For example, much of the social science research produced by
universities is designed to collect and analyze data about problems. Much
of the funding directed to lower income communities by foundations and the
United Way is based on the problem-oriented data collected in "needs
surveys," a practice emulated by government human service agencies.
Finally, the needs map often appears to be the only neighborhood guide
ever used by members of the mass media, whose appetite for the violent and
the spectacularly problematic story seems insatiable. All of these major
institutions combine to create a wall between lower income communities and
the rest of society--a wall of needs which, ironically enough, is built
not on hatred but (at least partly) on the desire to "help."
The fact that the deficiency orientation represented by the needs map
constitutes our only guide to lower income neighborhoods has devastating
consequences for residents. We have already noted one of the most
tragic--that is, residents themselves begin to accept that map as the only
guide to the reality of their lives. They think of themselves and their
neighbors as fundamentally deficient, victims incapable of taking charge
of their lives and of their community's future. But other consequences
flow as well from the power of the needs map. For example:
Viewing a community as a nearly endless list of problems and needs leads
directly to the much lamented fragmentation of efforts to provide
solutions. It also denies the basic community wisdom which regards
problems as tightly intertwined, as symptoms in fact of the breakdown of a
community's own problem -solving capacities.
Targeting resources based on the needs map directs funding not to
residents but to service providers, a consequence not always either
planned for or effective.
Making resources available on the basis of the needs map can have negative
effects on the nature of local community leadership. If, for example, one
measure of effective leadership is the ability to attract resources, then
local leaders are, in effect, being forced to denigrate their neighbors
and their community by highlighting their problems and deficiencies, and
by ignoring their capacities and strengths.
Providing resources on the basis of the needs map underlines the
perception that only outside experts can provide real help. Therefore, the
relationships that count most for local residents are no longer those
inside the community, those neighbor-to-neighbor links of mutual support
and problem solving. Rather, the most important relationships are those
that involve the expert, the social worker, the health provider, the
funder. Once again, the glue that binds communities together is weakened.
Reliance on the needs map as the exclusive guide to resource gathering
virtually ensures the inevitable deepening of the cycle of dependence:
problems must always be worse than last year, or more intractable than
other communities, if funding is to be renewed.
At best, reliance on the needs maps as the sole policy guide will ensure a
maintenance and survival strategy targeted at isolated individual clients,
not a development plan that can involve the energies of an entire
community.
Because the needs-based strategy can guarantee only survival, and can
never lead to serious change or community development, this orientation
must be regarded as one of the major causes of the sense of hopelessness
that pervades discussions about the future of low income neighborhoods.
From the street corner to the White House, if maintenance and survival are
the best we can provide, what sense can it make to invest in the future?
The Alternative Path: Capacity-Focused Development
If even some of these negative consequences follow from our total reliance
upon the needs map, an alternative approach becomes imperative. That
alternative path, very simply, leads toward the development of policies
and activities based on the capacities, skills and assets of lower income
people and their neighborhoods.;
In addition to the problems associated with the dominant deficiency model,
at least two more factors argue for shifting to a capacity-oriented
emphasis. First, all the historic evidence indicates that significant
community development takes place only when local community people are
committed to investing themselves and their resources in the effort. This
observation explains why communities are never built from the top down, or
from the outside in. (Clearly, however, valuable outside assistance can be
provided to communities that are actively developing their own assets, a
topic explored further in Chapter Six.)
The second reason for emphasizing the development of the internal assets
of local urban neighborhoods is that the prospect for outside help is
bleak indeed. Even in areas designated as Enterprise Zones, the odds are
long that large-scale, job-providing industrial or service corporations
will be locating in these neighborhoods. Nor is it likely, in the light of
continuing budget constraints, that significant new inputs of federal
money will be forthcoming soon. It is increasingly futile to wait for
significant help to arrive from outside the community. The hard truth is
that development must start from within the community and, in most of our
urban neighborhoods, there is no other choice.
Creative neighborhood leaders across the country have begun to recognize
this hard truth, and have shifted their practices accordingly. They are
discovering that wherever there are effective community development
efforts, those efforts are based upon an understanding, or map, of the
community's assets, capacities and abilities. For it is clear that even
the poorest neighborhood is a place where individuals and organizations
represent resources upon which to rebuild. The key to neighborhood
regeneration, then, is to locate all of the available local assets, to
begin connecting them with one another in ways that multiply their power
and effectiveness, and to begin harnessing those local institutions that
are not yet available for local development purposes.
This entire process begins with the construction of a new "map" (see page
7). Once this guide to capacities has replaced the old one containing only
needs and deficiencies, the regenerating community can begin to assemble
its strengths into new combinations, new structures of opportunity, new
sources of income and control, and new possibilities for production.
The Assets of a Community: Individuals, Associations, Institutions
Each community boasts a unique combination of assets upon which to build
its future. A thorough map of those assets would begin with an inventory
of the gifts, skills and capacities of the community's residents.
Household by household, building by building, block by block, the capacity
mapmakers will discover a vast and often surprising array of individual
talents and productive skills, few of which are being mobilized for
community-building purposes. This basic truth about the "giftedness" of
every individual is particularly important to apply to persons who often
find themselves marginalized by communities. It is essential to recognize
the capacities, for example, of those who have been labeled mentally
handicapped or disabled, or of those who are marginalized because they are
too old, or too young, or too poor. In a community whose assets are being
fully recognized and mobilized, these people too will be part of the
action, not as clients or recipients of aid, but as full contributors to
the community-building process.
In addition to mapping the gifts and skills of individuals, and of
households and families, the committed community builder will compile an
inventory of citizens' associations. These associations, less formal and
much less dependent upon paid staff than are formal institutions, are the
vehicles through which citizens in the U.S. assemble to solve problems, or
to share common interests and activities. It is usually the case that the
depth and extent of associational life in any community is vastly
underestimated. This is particularly true of lower income communities. In
fact, however, though some parts of associational life may have dwindled
in very low income neighborhoods, most communities continue to harbor
significant numbers of associations with religious, cultural, athletic,
recreational and other purposes. Community builders soon recognize that
these groups are indispensable tools for development, and that many of
them can in fact be stretched beyond their original purposes and
intentions to become full contributors to the development process.
Beyond the individuals and local associations that make up the asset base
of communities are all of the more formal institutions which are located
in the community. Private businesses; public institutions such as schools,
libraries, parks, police and fire stations; nonprofit institutions such as
hospitals and social service agencies--these organizations make up the
most visible and formal part of a community's fabric. Accounting for them
in full, and enlisting them in the process of community development, is
essential to the success of the process. For community builders, the
process of mapping the institutional assets of the community will often be
much simpler than that of making an inventory involving individuals and
associations. But establishing within each institution a sense of
responsibility for the health of the local community, along with
mechanisms that allow communities to influence and even control some
aspects of the institution's relationships with its local neighborhood,
can prove much more difficult. Nevertheless, a community that has located
and mobilized its entire base of assets will clearly feature heavily
involved and invested local institutions.
Individuals, associations and institutions--these three major categories
contain within them much of the asset base of every community. They will
also provide the framework for organizing this guide. Each of the next
three sections explores methods for recognizing, mapping, and mobilizing
one of these clusters of local strengths.
In addition, the guide will highlight other aspects of a community's
assets, including its physical characteristics--the land, buildings and
infrastructure upon which the community rests. And because so much of a
community's well-being depends upon the strength of the local economy, one
section of the guide will explore ways in which individuals, associations
and local institutions can contribute economically.
An Alternative Community Development Path: Asset-Based, Internally
Focused, Relationship Driven
This guide is designed to help communities not only to recognize and map
their assets--the individuals, local associations and institutions which
make up the sinew of the neighborhood--but to mobilize them for
development purposes. As we begin to describe the basic elements of an
asset-based community development process, it is important to place this
discussion in its larger context. Two major qualifications should be
stated as strongly as possible.
First, focusing on the assets of lower income communities does not imply
that these communities do not need additional resources from the outside.
Rather, this guide simply suggests that outside resources will be much
more effectively used if the local community is itself fully mobilized and
invested, and if it can define the agendas for which additional resources
must be obtained. The assets within lower income communities, in other
words, are absolutely necessary but usually not sufficient to meet the
huge development challenges ahead.
Second, the discussion of asset-based community development is intended to
affirm, and to build upon the remarkable work already going on in
neighborhoods across the country. Asset-based community development
acknowledges and embraces particularly the strong neighborhood-rooted
traditions of community organizing, community economic development and
neighborhood planning. In fact, experienced leaders in these three areas
have been among our most valuable sources of inspiration and guidance. The
approach outlined in this guide is intended to complement, and sometimes
to precede, their efforts--not to substitute for them.
These caveats understood, then, "asset-based community development"
deserves a little more introduction and definition. As will become
apparent in more detail in the chapters that follow, this process can be
defined by three simple, interrelated characteristics:
Obviously enough, the first principle that defines this process is that it
is "asset-based." That is, this community development strategy starts with
what is present in the community, the capacities of its residents and
workers, the associational and institutional base of the area--not with
what is absent, or with what is problematic, or with what the community
needs.
Because this community development process is asset-based, it is by
necessity "internally focused." That is, the development strategy
concentrates first of all upon the agenda building and problem-solving
capacities of local residents, local associations and local institutions.
Again, this intense and self-conscious internal focus is not intended to
minimize either the role external forces have played in helping to create
the desperate conditions of lower income neighborhoods, nor the need to
attract additional resources to these communities. Rather this strong
internal focus is intended simply to stress the primacy of local
definition, investment, creativity, hope and control.
If a community development process is to be asset-based and internally
focused, then it will be in very important ways "relationship driven."
Thus, one of the central challenges for asset-based community developers
is to constantly build and rebuild the relationships between and among
local residents, local associations and local institutions.
Skilled community organizers and effective community developers already
recognize the importance of relationship building. For it is clear that
the strong ties which form the basis for community-based problem solving
have been under attack. The forces driving people apart are many and
frequently citedÑincreasing mobility rates, the age and not least from the
point of view of lower income communities, increasing dependence upon
outside, professionalized helpers.
Because of these factors, the sense of efficacy based on interdependence,
the idea that people can count on their neighbors and neighborhood
resources for support and strength has weakened. For community builders
who are focused on assets, rebuilding these local relationships offers the
most promising route toward successful community development. This guide
will stress the importance of relationship building for every person and
group in the community, and will underline the necessity of basing those
relationships always upon the strengths and capacities of the parties
involved, never on their weaknesses and needs.
That, then is the skeleton of the simple development process sketched in
this guide--it is a community-building path which is asset-based,
internally focused and relationship driven.
(Institute for Policy Research, Northwestern University, 1993)
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